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Maxwell on his route to a better Jamaica

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  • Maxwell on his route to a better Jamaica

    While I dont agree with all, I like the overall direction.

    A Jamaican agenda
    Common SenseJohn Maxwell
    Sunday, May 13, 2007


    One of the penalties of being a critic of the system is that inevitably people want to know why you don't put forward your own plan to explain what you would do to correct the faults you see.

    I have received lots of suggestions like this recently, so I have decided to accept the challenge. What would I do if I were prime minister of Jamaica?

    I would begin by recognising that I am the property of the whole society and that I have a duty to provide leadership and inspiration for everyone.

    I would call on the leader of the opposition to join me.
    We would explain that the public interest, our interest, is based on the right of every person to the opportunity to make the best of herself/himself. We would explain that we need to emancipate ourselves from hopelessness, despair, and powerlessness by understanding that our destiny is in our own hands and that if we do not help ourselves, no one else will help us.

    We would call on every Jamaican of every party, in Jamaica and abroad, to offer their talent and resources to the national effort to make Jamaica work. I would also make it plain that the Jamaican interest, the public interest, mandates that the resources of Jamaica must serve Jamaica first, that development is above all the development of the Jamaican person and the people who live in Jamaica, and that all external considerations must come after these essentials, the desiderata, are settled.

    Putting people first
    If I were the leader of this nation I would make sure that everybody understood what we need to do. I would ask those in positions of advantage to come together and think about how they could help the process of developing the people as a whole, how they could help by providing resources, including their own skills and brainpower, to stimulate peaceful and productive change.

    The leader of the opposition and I would be equal partners in the leadership of this programme.

    We would ask those who can volunteer assistance to do so, and we would set up an office to co-ordinate and aim this effort where it would do most good.

    We would call upon the entire society to join in, the good and the bad, the pious and the lawbreakers, the communists and the capitalists, the heterosexuals and the homosexuals, the religious and the non-religious, the rich and the poor, the learned and the illiterate, the athletes and the physically handicapped, to discover within themselves the resources which they are prepared to offer to the larger society.
    No one would be left out.

    I would ask retired people to form advisory groups, to review and suggest improvements and corrections based on their experience, and I would encourage the children to help in whatever way they could, organising themselves, for instance, to bring comfort and assistance to the old, the indigent, and the forgotten.

    I would ask people to help organise activities like scouting for boys and girls, teaching the children what is important in their environments and how to protect and enhance it. Our nation needs to ensure that all of us recognise ourselves as the owners of the society, that we all have a stake in everything, that the roads and the schools, the trees and the sea belong to us and are our responsibility to care.

    Community responsibility
    Most human beings, rich or poor, instinctively understand that we live in an interdependent world, a world in which all our interests are bound together, no matter how far apart we may live.

    Most people understand, for instance, that the poverty, misery, and deprivation of those at the bottom have a strong correlation with the levels of stress, anxiety, anger and violence in the society. Most people realise that brute force begets only more violence and that if we are to live in a civilised, peaceful and safe society, we need to take all our interests to heart.

    Most of us understand that every economic activity and every social activity is harmed by violence and that we could, as the World Bank points out, increase our gross domestic product and significantly reduce violence and crime, simply by making sure that all school-age children are in school and being properly instructed.

    Every human being has his own ideas of what should be done to improve life, to satisfy the basic human needs.
    So, I would start by defining the basic needs of my community, Jamaica. I would begin by finding out from every person, every man, woman and child in the society, what they think they need.

    This is not as difficult an undertaking as it may seem, and the way to do it is in fact described in a document called Agenda 21, the Treaty of Rio, signed by the leaders of every nation in the world, including Jamaica, 14 years ago at the so-called Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro.

    That document, which is now part of the law of every nation, explains how communities and nations should go about designing an Agenda for the 21st century. Agenda 21 is condensed in my book How to Make Our Own News, which is still available from the University Press.

    The process is straightforward. We begin by asking every community to get together to compile a document describing their assets and their deficiencies. The government, of course, needs to provide kernels of assistance to the communities, giving them the basic blueprints of what needs to be done and explaining how they can organise their efforts.

    There is in existence a document which does exactly this. It is called Local Sustainable Development Planning and was published some years ago by the NRCA with Canadian assistance under the ENACT programme. I confess to having edited this document so I am not entirely disinterested in recommending it, especially since it is the only one of its kind.

    Communities would meet to energise and organise themselves, with help from the political parties, to begin a new programme for personal and national emancipation; to decide on a first, elementary programme of action to discover the real status of each community, to conduct a community audit.

    Schoolchildren should be encouraged to take a leading part in this, mapping the community, finding out and documenting how many houses, churches, schools, playing fields, police stations, public services shops, offices, and other productive enterprises exist in the community. They would document the skills housed in the community, whether they are used or idle. They would then document the community deficiencies, whether the public services are efficient, whether water supplies are adequate, for instance.

    These community audits would then be presented to community assemblies for discussion and action. The assemblies would select people for specific tasks: no one should have more than one leadership role because one of the aims of the exercise is to find and develop community leadership in depth.

    When all the information is gathered, or after say, two months, the communities should meet, first locally, then regionally and nationally, to decide on priorities for action.

    In all of this activity, the Government and its agencies would play no more than a supporting, facilitating role. The Opposition would be involved on the same terms, because what we want to produce is a plan to be implemented by whichever party is in office.

    Water is life
    Water is the foundation of all communities. Since community life depends on it, water must be under community control. This means that every activity, social, commercial, or industrial, must fit in with the needs of the community.

    Under the Watersheds Protection Act, crafted by Norman Manley, there is provision for the country to be divided into water districts, which are local planning authorities in their own right. Local watershed authorities are the ideal basis for local development planning. In 1978, the NRCA, under my
    chairmanship, decided to make all of Jamaica into one watershed and three years later that recommendation was signed into law by Edward Seaga, who had in the interim become prime minister.
    Since this decision was a bipartisan one, it has one advantage over any other: no one party can claim it.

    The idea that water can be privatised is a direct attack on human rights. If the owner of the Ocho Rios water supply decides that he would prefer to supply water to cruise ships and hotels rather than to the community, what recourse does the community have? The water supply is one area the market cannot decide.

    Water is produced by the action and sacrifice of the state, the people. The money and sweat and sacrifice we have put into preserving our forests and protecting our hillsides are the only guarantees that our water supplies will exist. To put a merchant at the end of this pipe, collecting tribute from people he does not serve in any way, is repugnant to and against the public interest.

    Decisions as to whether communities and people live or die cannot be left to bauxite companies or sugar manufacturers. Under community control, water supplies would no longer be contaminated and/or ruined by the dumping of 'dunder' into sinkholes or the dumping of sewage into gullies, wetlands, rivers or beaches.
    Last edited by Karl; May 15, 2007, 01:15 PM.

  • #2
    Re: Maxwell on his route to a better Jamaica

    Part 2

    This means that any questions to do with the alteration of the landscape by construction, mining or agriculture, should first be approved by the communities to be affected and that the only factor which could prevail over their interest would be the overwhelming national interest, and we would set up mechanisms to judge these questions according to law and equity. The protection of the environment would be in the hands of its owners.

    Land and power
    Jamaica's land mass cannot expand to accommodate its growing population. The land is the basis of our existence and must serve Jamaican interests first. Those who occupy land hold it in trust for the community and for posterity.
    The World Bank Report on Jamaica (1954) states: "In Jamaica, absolute ownership of land has meant in principle, the absolute right of the owner to ruin it in his own way." That cannot continue.

    Civilisation means, among other things, that the common good must be paramount, that sectional interests cannot take precedence over the public interest. As population increases, land values go up. The appreciation of land prices has nothing to do with skill, intelligence, or virtue.

    Large landholding must therefore be prohibited. No one person or entity should be able to own more than 500 acres/200 hectares of land. This limitation will not abolish wealth or exterminate the rich. Anyone with 500 acres should be able to get it to produce much more than he and his extended family need to live well, even extravagantly.

    The future of landholding will be leasehold and people will be able to work land as long as they husband it efficiently. Those who control land must be accountable to the community. It should never again be possible to use land as a weapon against the public interest.
    These principles entail several consequences.

    1) Public oversight of all transactions involving land.

    2) Community oversight of land management and use.

    3) No privatisation of essential community assets and resources such as water, beaches, forests, parks and other public land.

    4) Public advertisement of the proposed sale of any public land or other resource and absolute transparency in any land transfers.

    5) The reinstatement of the Land Development Duty Act of 1958 so that value added by the community is reaped by the community.

    6) Property tax on the productive value of unused land so that idle land costs more to own than productive land.

    If there is to be a limit on land ownership, there must be a mechanism to ensure that any transfer of land must be fair and in the public interest.

    People who are large landowners will not be penalised. Their land will not be taken away to be given to some speculator. Some will even donate the land if they know it will be used for the public good. The land will be re-allocated after zoning for use, depending on the soil and other factors.

    Some, of course, will be kept for playing fields, parks, and schools and other public purposes. The emphasis will, however, be on food production and providing land for the expansion of towns and villages according to the community plan. This transformation cannot, of course, be an overnight process.

    We can make it work
    All of this is, of course, going to cost us money, not as much as we think, but more than we think we can afford.

    At the moment, we spend two-thirds of government revenue on interest and capital repayments.

    Our development has always suffered from the fact that after slavery, most of our ancestors were penniless. It took a very long time for some of us to accumulate enough to even start saving a few pence for the inevitable rainy day. This history is the main reason that most of us have never had any kind of cushion against misfortune of any kind: floods, storms, droughts, or unemployment.

    If most of our ancestors had possessed land on which to grow food, Jamaica would now be much better off than it is, but our societies have always been organised round plantations producing food for export and profits for people outside of Jamaica. Our government takes in twice as much as it spends on the people, because two-thirds of what we pay in taxes goes to pay off interest and capital borrowed to pay for the disasters, economic and climatic, which afflict societies like ours. Much of this money is simply exported.

    I would summon a meeting of our creditors and explain to them, carefully, that we are well past the limits of our endurance for the penalties imposed by a defective system.

    I would explain that if they want to get their money back they are going to have to wait a little longer, and to accept lower interest rates, because if they don't, the probability is that they will never get any of it back because Jamaica will explode and all its productive capacity will be damaged or destroyed.

    I would explain that instead of asking reparations for all the travail and suffering of slavery we would be content to spend our own money on people rather than on interest, that we intend to cut our interest payments and capital repayments in half, thereby doubling the resources available to the people for their own development. Nobody would lose.

    I would make them understand that this money is to be spent entirely on the development plans made by the people and that there would be built-in safeguards to make sure that this is so. I would even ask them to help us with the process of accountability, so that everybody, our people and our creditors, could be satisfied that the money would in fact be applied to the purposes and projects we have designed and not to buy SUVs or Mac-Mansions.

    We would then build the schools we need, train the teachers for the schools, provide the social services necessary to rescue those on the fringes of our society, reorganise and retrain the police force as peacekeepers and peacemakers and as social workers.

    We would need to abolish unfair taxes such as GCT and ensure that everyone pays tax according to his/her income or ability to pay.

    And, I believe, we would all be more united and peaceful, much happier and less anxious and fearful and a great deal more prosperous than we are today.

    Copyright©2007 John Maxwell
    jankunnu@gmail.com
    Last edited by Karl; May 15, 2007, 01:20 PM.

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