read full at http://m.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/j...d&type=article
The international operation against Coke was already under way under Shields's watch, involving the US, Canada and the UK. Coke's stronghold was Tivoli Gardens, a notorious district of Kingston where police seldom ever ventured. "I wanted to treat it like any other community, but it was very difficult to do so because the backlash was such. Why was that? Because four years earlier Adams had gone in there and more than 20 people had been killed. Not many communities had lost 26 people in two days, as had happened when Adams and his men went in there. So of course I can understand the sensitivities. But we were forced to treat it with almost kid gloves."
It's very hard, Shields explains, for outsiders to appreciate the sheer power a don like Coke wielded over his community. "It's criminal terrorism. People literally live in fear. If they run a shop, they have to pay protection. If the don wanted their youngest daughter, they would have to give her up so he could take her virginity. The community was completely under the control of the local don, and the police were deeply frightened about going in there."
Following the killing of four officers in 2005, Shields learned that the gunmen were hiding in Tivoli Gardens, and mounted an operation. "Within a matter of minutes, Bruce Golding, the local constituency MP and then leader of the opposition, "was on the streets, along with the mayor, saying what are you doing here, why are you invading our community? They said that to us, the police." Shields shakes his head in disbelief. "Of all the dons, Coke was in a league of his own."
Golding subsequently became prime minister, and his reluctance to extradite Coke to the US led to the street war that broke out when the don was finally taken. Shields was often approached by politicians who seemed strangely keen to befriend him – "and I was never really sure what their motivation was. We had suspicions over particular politicians, who we thought were too close to criminals."
Others in authority weren't wildly enthusiastic about supporting Shields. "Well, without going into too much detail – because I still live here – some police officers definitely tried to undermine our work. Slowing processes down. Not turning up to meetings. Refusing to promote officers we were happy with. Some senior officers literally wouldn't even speak when we entered a room. It was a small vociferous minority who just didn't want us there."
The international operation against Coke was already under way under Shields's watch, involving the US, Canada and the UK. Coke's stronghold was Tivoli Gardens, a notorious district of Kingston where police seldom ever ventured. "I wanted to treat it like any other community, but it was very difficult to do so because the backlash was such. Why was that? Because four years earlier Adams had gone in there and more than 20 people had been killed. Not many communities had lost 26 people in two days, as had happened when Adams and his men went in there. So of course I can understand the sensitivities. But we were forced to treat it with almost kid gloves."
It's very hard, Shields explains, for outsiders to appreciate the sheer power a don like Coke wielded over his community. "It's criminal terrorism. People literally live in fear. If they run a shop, they have to pay protection. If the don wanted their youngest daughter, they would have to give her up so he could take her virginity. The community was completely under the control of the local don, and the police were deeply frightened about going in there."
Following the killing of four officers in 2005, Shields learned that the gunmen were hiding in Tivoli Gardens, and mounted an operation. "Within a matter of minutes, Bruce Golding, the local constituency MP and then leader of the opposition, "was on the streets, along with the mayor, saying what are you doing here, why are you invading our community? They said that to us, the police." Shields shakes his head in disbelief. "Of all the dons, Coke was in a league of his own."
Golding subsequently became prime minister, and his reluctance to extradite Coke to the US led to the street war that broke out when the don was finally taken. Shields was often approached by politicians who seemed strangely keen to befriend him – "and I was never really sure what their motivation was. We had suspicions over particular politicians, who we thought were too close to criminals."
Others in authority weren't wildly enthusiastic about supporting Shields. "Well, without going into too much detail – because I still live here – some police officers definitely tried to undermine our work. Slowing processes down. Not turning up to meetings. Refusing to promote officers we were happy with. Some senior officers literally wouldn't even speak when we entered a room. It was a small vociferous minority who just didn't want us there."
Comment