Garrison

[Assasin]

Behind Jamaica's Garrisons
(Part 1)
The following are excerpts of the July 1997 Report of the National Committee on Political Tribalism. The Committee was chaired by Political Ombuds-man the Hon. Justice James Kerr.
Proximity
THE border wars between garrison communities of different persuasions result in:
(i) the increased difficulty in maintaining law and order;
(ii) an ability to maintain social infrastructure (roads, water, sewage, garbage disposal, electricity, shops, supermarkets, markets), which border or pass through disparate communities;
(iii) a restriction of movement through these areas which affects human rights, transportation, and job attendance and opportunities;
(iv) a restriction of business opportunities to the localised area as customers from other communities are denied access by blocked roads and real or perceived threats of violence.
Creation
Garrison communities are created by:
(i) the development of large-scale housing schemes by the State and the location of the houses therein to supporters of the party in power;
(ii) homogenisation by the dominant party activists pushing out the minority from within and guarding against invasion from outside; and
(iii) the expelled setting up a squatter community.
The hard core garrison communities exhibit an element of autonomy, in that they are states within a state. The Jamaican State has no authority or power except in as far as it forces are able to invade in the form of police and military raids. In the core garrison disputes have been settled, matters tried, offenders sentenced and punished, all without reference to the institutions of the Jamaican State.
The Garrison Process
The following extract from Mr. Mark Figueroa's important contribution on the topic speaks eloquently for itself and merits quotation in full:
"Encompassed in this process are all those activities that are associated with the establishment, the strengthening and the extension of the influence of garrisons and their associated psychology. In using the notion of a garrison process, I am linking the presence of the large scale garrisons such as Jungle, Payne Land, Rema, Tivoli and other less known strongholds, to a political culture. This political culture extends well beyond the boundaries of the communities which have come under the tight control of politicians, their thugs, and/or local enforcers.
Those who promote the garrison process seem intend on extending its dominance over larger and large sections of the country yet to date there are few constituencies where the vast majority of the territory has been garrisoned. To focus on constituencies alone is to miss the significance of the garrison phenomenon as a whole. The presence of a relatively small garrison within a constituency or the presence of a garrison in a neighbouring constituency can fundamentally alter the course of an election in a constituency that is relatively garrison free. The ability of the garrisons to do 'outreach work' greatly enhances their significance. My central concern is therefore with the concept of a garrison community not a garrison constituency.
Some worked with a notion of eight garrison constituencies. Based on my analysis of the 1993 election results I have also identified eight unambiguously garrisoned constituencies. In addition there are four other constituencies where I estimate that garrison control is at or just above 50 per cent and three where control is between 25 per cent and 35 per cent. In most cases the garrison process is a bipartisan one. That is, in the most garrisoned constituencies vast areas are under garrison control but not by just one party, rather each party has its garrison areas with a number of contested areas in between. In many more constituencies the garrison communities constitute pockets of tight control surrounded by much broader zones that represent contested areas. Here we see the relevance of the concept of a process in two ways. First, there is an effort over time to expand these pockets to the point where the constituency is transformed into a garrison and second, the presence of a garrison within a constituency fosters certain types of actions. In terms of this paper these activities are mainly seen within the context of vote manipulation and efforts to rig the results.
I argue below that the garrison phenomenon has become central to the practice of electoral manipulation in Jamaica. Although the garrisons may in fact be relatively confined political strongholds their significance extends beyond their borders. This can be seen in terms of the connection between the garrisons and two other related aspects of the Jamaican political system.
The first of these is turf politics. That is, the process by which political parties seek geographical or positional control over given areas as an electoral strategy. Beyond this we have bogus voting or electoral rigging. In this paper I am treating the garrison process as the core. Hence I encompass the other related aspects in the discussion as part of a broad strategy based on the building of garrisons."
Mr. Mark Figueroa therefore emphasised, and we accept, that the creation, development and maintenance of garrisons are neither accidents of history nor geography, but part of a process deliberately fostered for political ends. Equally important is his focus on the concept of a garrison community, rather than a garrison constituency, the point being that the existence in a constituency of a garrison community can have as significant an impact on the electoral process as the garrison constituencies themselves, and an impetus to transform the garrison community into a garrison constituency.
Common Features of Garrison Communities
Dr. Barry Chevannes de-scribed the common features in this way:
"Just as the political tribe of ancient Greece and Rome was under the leadership of a demagogue so in Jamaica the garrison towns were controlled by the Dons. "Entry and exit to and from these communities are controlled by the so-called "top ranking" and gang leaders who have close relationships with the constituency Member of Parliament, get preferential access to contracts and jobs and function as key elements of the local level community political leadership in both parties in these inner city poor areas. These constituencies are made up preponderantly of these "garrison communities" where organised political gangs with high powered M-16 and A.K.47 assault rifles and sub-machine guns control clearly defined political boundaries and territories where political protection insulates them from the reach of the security forces."
We interpret this to mean that on occasions political influence has impeded the Security Forces in the performance of their duties.
"There is a link between garrison forces and the party's political leadership which provides two functions:
(i) it provides the main conduit for accessing and distributing scarce benefits. The top rankings thus become the main brokers between the Members of Parliament and the local communities;
(ii) in a transactional sense, the Member of Parliament is sure of retaining his territorial support, while the rankings are able to acquire wealth and local power as well as protection from the forces of law and order" Dr. Chevannes.
We accept this as a correct description of the relationship between the Members of Parliament in certain garrison communities.
Doctors Sangster and Chevannes and Mr. Figueroa all resort to electoral results as a method of identifying garrison communities. On the basis of a 75 per cent of those voting for the candidate of a particular party, Dr. A.W. Sangster in the submission "Point of View" states that between 1989-93 the garrison communities increased from 3 to 11 an increase of 1 JLP and 7 PNP.
Mr. Figueroa's more detailed method of assessing electoral results on a polling-station by polling-station basis and the extent to which homogeneous voting has taken place, is to be preferred as he points out that consistent homogeneous voting in certain rural areas may be based on a legitimate preference of long standing. Despite the differences in methodology, Dr. Sangster and Mr. Figueroa both agree that the following eight constituencies have dominant garrison communities. They are: Kingston, West; St. Andrew, South; St. Andrew, South West; Kingston, East and Port Royal; St. Andrew, West; St. Andrew, East Central; St. Catherine, Central; St. Catherine, East Central.
The Immediate Effects
Among the more visible physical effects are the abandonment of legally owned houses and business premises followed by the capture of some of these by illegal occupants and/or the destruction of others through vandalism and inappropriate usage. By this process, large areas of some garrison communities remain in a permanently derelict condition, which in turn fosters criminality and violence.
Another attendant consequence of the relocation to other communities Portmore and the like would be the considerable economic costs and the unduly heavy burden in those communities in providing for the new residents suitable accommodation with the necessary infrastructure and amenities, while the communities they have left remain with abandoned and unoccupied buildings.
The Consequential and Continuing Effects
The increasing incidence of violence and the attendant space of murders and serious bodily injuries
It is agreed by all that party politics was not the only or may even not be the dominant cause of the record number of homicides in 1996 which was not an election year. The others include drug trafficking and gang related activities. It is, however, beyond debate that party politics was the cradle for factional conflicts, that the political clashes of the late 1960s particularly in the election period of 1967 ushered in the era of firearm offences against the person and that party politics remain a major cause.
Criminal gangs tend to identify themselves with particular garrison communities and remain affiliated or aligned to their particular party. During the election period they surface as perpetrators of political violence and election malpractices.
Area Branding
Residents in garrison communities often suffer from "area branding" in significant respects, including the following:
(a) retaliation from areas of supposed differing party affiliation,
(b) victimisation by employer's averse to violence prone areas or themselves politically biased, (c) political and economic victimisation should their party not from the government, an immediate risk of losing projects in progress when their party loses and, not least, the general deterioration of market values in real property within these areas.

[Assasin]

part 2


D. Issue of prescribed application forms.
E. Receipt of completed forms.
The criteria for disposal for lands will include:
A. Making lots available to the landless and to small farmers to the extent possible.
B. The encouragement of youth and women in agriculture.
C. Favouring viable production, especially for exports.
D. Minimising use for speculative purposes.
E. Ensuring security of tenure for those to whom lands have previously been allotted and are in good standing.
Once applications have been received, they will be considered by a committee comprised of the following:
* Two (2) representatives of the RADA Board for the parish in which the land is situated.
* One (1) representative of the Ministers (of Religion) Fraternal for the parish.
* One (1) representative of the Jamaica Agricultural Society (JAS).
* Three (3) persons selected from a panel established by the Contractor-General, two of whom must be residents of the parish.
* The Commissioner of Lands or his/her representative."
We are of the view that the recommendations of the Land Disposal Committee to the Minister of Agriculture should be submitted through the Permanent Secretary rather than the Commissioner of Lands, as proposed by the Prime Minister. These recommendations, once approved by the Minister, will be made public with information as to price and size of lands and other terms and conditions of sale or lease.
The committee has also taken note of the complaint of the Contractor-General at the delay in establishing the Parish Land Disposal Committee.
In light of consistent criticisms of Operation PRIDE, we share the Contractor-General's concern at the delay in implementing measures to ensure that there will be equity and fairness in the disposal of Government Land Settlement Schemes in word, appearance and deed.
Contributory Circumstances
After three decades of independence the deplorable conditions in the inner cities continue notwithstanding the manifest improvement of living standards in some parts of the Corporate Area. Many politicians have benefited from the unrest and displacement which are features of communities with high levels of unemployment, a proliferation of unskilled and virtually unemployable youth, pervasive poverty of pursue and spirit. The focus of positive attention on the needs of these persons could elevate their self-esteem and no doubt define for them a purpose beyond their usefulness as partisan puppets.
Poverty
The living conditions of the people in most of the "tribalised" communities (some which we visited) reek of abandonment and neglect. Sub-standard housing, poor sanitation and numerous environmental hazards are immediately visible. The National Inner City Committee highlighted these conditions in its 1993 Report on Strategy for the Revitalisation of Blighted Youth. Similar observations were made by the Centre for Population, Community and Social Change in its Study on Urban Violence and Poverty in Jamaica (They Cry Respect) published in 1996.
Poverty facilitates the development of political tribalism. The slum communities around the parish capitals, particularly, Kingston, St. Andrew, and St. Catherine, continue to grow as unemployed and under-educated youths migrate from rural communities in search of a better opportunity.
The fact is that the Jamaican economy has not performed well over the past 35 years and therefore the country has not been able to provide enough jobs to meet the needs of a growing population.
The conditions in the communities also reflect the failure of the education process, where young people, the regenerative capacity of the future, are graduated from schools without the basic skills required to perform in the formal economy.
It is clear that poverty and illiteracy provide the opportunity for politicians to create and nurture political tribalism. In our visit to South St. Catherine a young man defined the problem clearly when he said, "the politician makes us feel important, we have nothing else to do otherwise".
The needs of the poor are great, it is estimated that the poorest household contributed five per cent to Gross Domestic Product in 1950, by 1980 the contribution was reduced to two per cent.
We submit that any solution to political tribalism must address poverty, and unemployment by the ways and means advocated hereafter.
The committee recognises with approval the "points" system developed by the National Housing Trust in the sale and allocation of government-aided housing solutions.
We recommend however that attention be paid to those persons so far below the poverty line that they are unable to access the benefits offered by the National Housing Trust.
Any assistance offered by the government of the day in this regard should be on the basis of need. This neutral and non-parish approach may be achieved if it sought to involve non-governmental and non-partisan organisations in the process of implementing programmes for those person in need of adequate shelter. In any event, the allocation mechanism should be manifestly impartial.
Closer attention should be paid to the basic requirements of public health and cleanliness in the inner city areas. Broken sewer mains which create unwholesome and unpleasant atmosphere must not await public disturbance in the form of roadblocks, demonstrations or otherwise.
Skills Training and Unemployment

There is little or no emphasis on personal empowerment and the promotion of healthy self-esteem for the numerous unemployed and unemployable inner city residents (particularly among the youth). The large body of unskilled persons who reside within these communities must await the hand-outs of odd jobs (very often the offshoots of small parochial contracts distributed by politicians to known supporters). Jobs are regularly tied to political affiliation. The sources of work are also limited by the high concentration of persons who have no skills and therefore form part of a very large group of common labourers. Many young males sit idly by unless and until there is a programme or development which requires labour intensive input. And the devil finds work for idle hands. Survey done by the National Inner City Committee (ante) revealed that in 1993 a mere 18 per cent of the residents of Jones Town had proper training in any particular skill. Another 53 per cent admitted to having no particular skill whatsoever.
The committee recognises the need on the part of Government to:
* Provide safe places for our young to learn and grow. Businesses, churches and other organisations could assist by offering structured activities for young people.
* Help young people to develop marketable skills.
* Focus on establishing and developing community centres for skills training, youth programmes and encouraging meaningful social activity.
Job Creation/Youth Empowerment
The committee is of the opinion that the country has to commit to providing gainful occupation for unemployed youths in the inner city communities. We believe that failure to address this problem will only perpetuate political violence and crime in general. We suggest the following:
* The Government seeks the co-operation of the private sector to spearhead an inner-city job initiative. Essentially, the programme will be funded by the State by means of a tax credit equal to twice the cost of employing and training inner city youths for a period of three years. The Church, Council of Voluntary Social Services, the NGO Community and other approved non-governmental organisations will determine the list of qualified youths.
* Reducing the cost of national security and the savings from the National Food Stamps Programme could fund this initiative. It is also suggested that any private sector company participating in a government project or obtaining financial support from the government should provide employment to inner city youths.
* The committee has determined that in many communities, there are few examples of good role models for young men. Presently, the politicians and the community "dons" are the models of success and masculinity. We believe that balance could be obtained by resuscitating youth programmes such as Boy's Scout, Girl's Guide, Cadet movement and the Four-H Pro-gramme. The State would encourage companies to allow their employees approved time off to volunteer in such community-based projects. These efforts could be supervised and monitored by the Council for Voluntary Social Services and other umbrella non-governmental organisations.
The Social and Economic Support Programme (SESP)
The SESP was set up in October 1990, with the aim of seeking "to mitigate the effects of major changes in economic strategy on the most vulnerable in the society". The co-ordinator of the SESP unit stated that his unit would not consider "the SESP activities to be related to allocation of scarce benefits which are usually seen from a political stand point as payback for favours and or works rendered for the party". In a memorandum dated January 13, 1997, he went on to emphasise that the focus of the programme was on "developmental issues... to pull up those persons who fall on or under the poverty line with a view to improving the quality of life."
These are obviously laudable objectives and the committee was provided with a copy of a letter dated January 31, 1997 from the Ministry of Finance to the Office of the Prime Minister, which set out detailed guidelines on the accounting and accountability requirements of the disbursement process under the programme. However, it does appear that apart from a component for project proposals received through non-governmental organisations the identification of projects generally is to some extent what the co-ordinator himself described as "MP-driven". Indeed, one component relates expressly to a reserve maintained by the Office of the Prime Minister (described as the "OPM Reserve"), which seeks to address requests from "Sundry organisation and institutions... [which] ... from time to time make appeals to the Rt. Hon. Prime Minister, the Ministers in the Office of the Prime Minister and other Ministers and Members of Parliament." Apparently where various requests for assistance received "cannot be fitted in other government programmes, the Rt. Hon. Prime Minister and his Ministers attempt to satisfy them from the Reserve".
It does seem clear that the structure of the SESP does not insulate it from potential abuse as a vehicle for the distribution of "scarce benefits" along political lines. To this extent, laudable though it aims, the SESP remains capable of assuming a role in the machinery of political tribalism.
Recommendations The committee having reviewed the objectives and structure of the SESP, recommends that the programme be abolished. Programmes of the SESP can be adequately achieved through the various ministries and agencies of Government without direct involvement of the Member of Parliament.

[Assasin]

Part 3.


Behind Jamaica's Garrisons

( Part 3 )
The following are excerpts of the July 1997 Report of the National Committee of Political Tribalism. The Committee was chaired by Political Ombudsman the Hon. Justice James Kerr.
The Contributory Factors
The politicians
THE POLITICIANS are to a great extent responsible for our type of party politics and the resultant factional conflicts in the country and, therefore, have a special obligation to join in the efforts to put an end to political tribalism. It cannot be denied that in the past they have reaped and continued to reap the short-term benefits of political tribalism. The political leaders are aware of this and the signing by them of the Peace Agreements on 1989 and 1993 is manifest admission of such knowledge.
The Peace Agreement
In 1988 the leaders of the Jamaica Labour Party and the People's National Party demonstrated their concern at the rising incidence of violence and malpractice as evidenced in the Elections of 1980 by entering into a Peace Agreement including, inter alia, a Code of Ethics. The agreement was signed by the President of each party and intended to be binding on party officials, candidates and members. An Ombudsman for Political Matters was appointed to investigate complaints of breaches of the agreement. The sanctions were political impositions including withdrawal of party support for a candidate.
The reports on the Elections of 1989 showed a significant all-round improvement on those of 1980. With the expectation of further improvements a new agreement with additional terms was put in place. Despite this the malpractices and violence of the 1993 election was described as "the worst" ever.
The Committee takes note of the recommendation of the National Task Force on Crime under the heading "Political and Social".
In addition to these proposals and recommendations and the terms and ethics of the Peace Agreement of 1993, this Committee recommend as desirable guidelines:
* Politicians must not only pay lip service to, but must also become actively involved in the eradication of a political arena where gun slingers establish and operate tribal boundaries.
* Politicians must divest themselves of the responsibility of issuing scarce benefits and leave the civil servant and impartial committees to implement policies in an objective and unbiased fashion based on set criteria.
* The distribution of houses, social services or determination of where an industry is sited ought not to be dependent upon whether or not the area supports the government of the day. The only criteria for the distribution of such benefits should be viability and need.
* Politicians must begin to get people to understand that involvement in politics is not a prerequisite to receiving the benefits which it is incumbent on Government to provide for its citizens.
* Members of Parliament representing garrison constituencies or constituencies in which there are areas of political violence must by example, exhortation and rebuke, inculcate political tolerance and respect for the constitutional right of freedom of association.
* Political leaders must publicly denounce officers and members who are associated with criminals, political and otherwise, and take disciplinary action to remove from office those found in breach of the terms and ethics of the Peace Agreement.
* Political leaders of all levels should disassociate themselves from reputed criminals, in particular those committing crimes of violence or offences in breach of the Representation of the People's Act and their kindred laws.
Legislation
Should there be legislation incorporating such terms and ethics from the Peace Agreement as can conveniently be accommodated in the Representation of the People's Act?
The jurisdiction of the Ombudsman for Political Matters at the inception rested on the express consent of the parties to the Peace Agreements of 1988 and 1993. However, by the Amending Act - No. 5 of 1994 - statutory jurisdiction was specifically conferred.The Committee recommends:
That the Representation of the People's Act, should be amended to include as offences such terms and conditions of the Peace Agreement of 1993 as can be conveniently accommodated therein.
General Elections
Police Preparation for Elections
In responding to the Committee's concerns in relation to General Elections which are imminent, the Commissioner of Police advised that a programme of education and training had commenced for the Officer Corps on election policing; also that he had made submissions for basic equipment which the force would need to be prepared for Elections, with the expectation also, that the force's human resources would be sufficiently beefed up to the full complement of 6,000 men required, as well as additional assistance from parish specials and the military. It was noted that where the military was concerned the deployment would depend on the area and needs of the particular community.
Meanwhile, specially trained personnel who were good managers and could maintain order were being assigned to the very sensitive areas such as Maverley to carry out duties on Election Day.
The Committee is strongly of the view that there should be a cadre of officers from the force for the investigation of breaches of the Representation of the People's Act and other political offences. The statements from the investigation should be submitted to the Director of Public Prosecution for his opinion and directions.
Nomination Day To Election Day
The Committee took note that on occasions in the past political leaders responding to reports of improprieties or apprehensions of malpractices have visited polling stations attracting in the process a host of zealous followers. The results of such visits have been the increasing of tension and the setting of the stage for serious breaches of the peace.
The Committee is of the view that the proper course is for the recipient of such reports to relay them promptly either to the Station for the particular area or the Office of the Commissioner of Police. Further, such visits are in contravention of the Representation of the People's Act and in particular Section 41 which limits attendance at a polling station while the poll remains open to a candidate and/or his agent - but subject to the proviso that both may only be together in the polling station for five consecutive minutes, and Section 77 - prohibiting the assembly or congregation of persons within a hundred yards of the polling station building save electors waiting to poll and persons expressly permitted by the Act.
The Committee advocates the prompt institution of proceedings against those found in breach of these provisions and commends for consideration by the Legislature an increase in penalties for all breaches of the Representation of the People's Act committed during the election period i.e. between Nomination Day and the Election Day.
Campaigning
The committee considered the submission of the Commissioner of Police that there should be a breathing space between the end of political canvassing and Election Day. In that regard and mindful of the fervour created by political rhetoric and the police presence required at political meetings, the Committee recommends that:
canvassing by political meetings and marches should end 72 hours before the opening of the polls.
Motorcades
The committee expressed anxious concern with respect to motorcades during the election period (i.e. between Nomination Day and Election Day) as there has been a history of violence and vandalism during the passage of motorcades in certain areas. There is a real risk of an outbreak of violence and other breaches of the peace when a motorcade of one political party in which there are often thugs passes through a town, village, or district in which there is a predominant support for an opposing party.
The Committee considered the provisions of the Public Order Act and as motorcades fall within the definition of a public march and are subject to the provisions of the Act, are lawful.
In that regard, the Committee advocates:
* Strict compliance with the provisions of the Act and in particular those prohibiting motorcades during the night.
* In considering an application for a motorcade, the proper police officer should demand that the particulars in the application for permit comply with the requirements of Section 7(2) - point of departure, route, point of termination, the hours between which such march will take place and an estimate of the number of persons who are expected to participate in such march, and the permit granted should specify route and time as required by the provisions of the Act. * In the exercise of the discretionary power conferred by the Act the proper officer, in the appropriate circumstances as described in the Act should require the leader to call upon the motorcade to disperse.'

[Mosiah]

["Entry and exit to and from these communities are controlled by the so-called "top ranking" and gang leaders who have close relationships with the constituency Member of Parliament, get preferential access to contracts and jobs and function as key elements of the local level community political leadership in both parties in these inner city poor areas.

Do they mean normal entry and exit? Or is there a deeper meaning? Because certainly, no one checks my passport every time I enter. Of course, once in a while, we do go through immigration.